EU ferroalloy tariffs have triggered an unusually sharp response from Iceland, after Foreign Minister Þorgerður Katrín Gunnarsdóttir announced that Reykjavík will not sign a planned security and defence cooperation declaration with the European Union. The move comes just a day after the EU confirmed that its new safeguard measures on ferroalloys will also apply to EEA countries Norway and Iceland, which together supply nearly half of the bloc’s imports of these iron‑based alloys.
Iceland links security cooperation to EU ferroalloy tariffs
Speaking to Icelandic public broadcaster RÚV, Foreign Minister Þorgerður Katrín Gunnarsdóttir said she had made it clear that she would not sign the security and defence agreement with the EU as planned. The declaration on security and defence cooperation was due to be signed on Wednesday, mirroring a similar agreement concluded between Norway and the EU in May last year. It has now been postponed indefinitely.
Gunnarsdóttir’s statement came shortly after EU member states approved a three‑year safeguard regime on ferroalloy imports, which will introduce tariffs and minimum prices on imports from all third countries, including EEA partners. The decision means that Norway and Iceland are placed outside the EU’s new tariff wall, despite their close integration in the internal market through the EEA Agreement.
The foreign minister described the EU decision as a major disappointment, arguing that it conflicts with the basic principles of the EEA framework. At the same time, she acknowledged that European decision‑makers had taken some account of Icelandic and Norwegian concerns by introducing tariff‑free import quotas and reference prices that are intended to soften the impact on European value chains.
By tying the signing of a defence declaration to a trade dispute, Iceland is sending a political signal that the costs of being outside the Union cannot be separated from broader questions of trust and reciprocity in its relationship with the EU.

What the EU ferroalloy safeguard means for Iceland and Norway
The new EU ferroalloy safeguard is designed as a response to global overproduction and falling prices in the market for iron‑based alloys such as ferrosilicon and ferromanganese, which are critical additives in steel production. According to European and Nordic media, Norway and Iceland together account for more than 47 percent of the EU’s imports of ferroalloys, making them central suppliers for European steelmakers.
Under the adopted regime, the EU will introduce tariff‑rate quotas (TRQs) that allow around 75 percent of recent import volumes from each exporting country to enter duty‑free. Beyond these quotas, imports will be subject to a combination of customs duties and minimum prices, with floor prices set for key products such as ferromanganese and ferrosilicon. If export prices fall below this reference level, the difference will be charged as additional duty.

For Icelandic exporters, who have invested in energy‑intensive production of silicon and ferroalloys for the European market, the safeguard raises immediate questions about competitiveness and market access. While a large share of current exports may still enter the EU tariff‑free within the quota, any expansion of production or shift in market conditions could quickly push volumes into the tariff‑paying segment.
The measure also confirms that EEA membership does not automatically protect Iceland or Norway from EU trade defence instruments. The EEA Agreement secures access to the internal market for goods, services, capital and persons, but it does not extend to the EU’s customs union or common trade policy. In the ferroalloy case, this institutional boundary has become highly visible: Iceland participates in the single market’s rules and standards, yet is treated as a third country when the EU deploys safeguards.
EEA tensions over trade, trust and security
Iceland’s decision to put a security and defence declaration with the EU on hold highlights growing tensions within the EEA system. For years, Reykjavík has framed the EEA as a pragmatic compromise that combines market access with political autonomy. The ferroalloy dispute shows the limits of this formula when EU trade policy begins to affect core export sectors.
Gunnarsdóttir has previously warned that the EU’s approach to ferroalloy safeguards risks violating the spirit of the EEA Agreement, which is built on the idea of a level playing field between EU and EEA EFTA states. She has also indicated that if the agreement does not protect Icelandic interests, the government must be ready to consider other instruments to defend them.
By using a planned security and defence cooperation declaration as leverage, Iceland is effectively linking economic and security dimensions of its European policy. The move underlines that trust in the EEA framework is not only about tariff lines and quotas, but also about how the EU treats closely associated partners when sensitive decisions are taken.
The contrast with Norway is striking. Oslo has criticised the ferroalloy safeguard and ruled out retaliation, instead prioritising dialogue and damage limitation. Reykjavík, by comparison, has chosen a more confrontational stance, signalling that EEA partners are willing to use their limited leverage when they feel sidelined by EU decisions.
A signal to Brussels and the Nordic neighbours
For the European Union, Iceland’s reaction comes at a time when Brussels is seeking closer cooperation with non‑EU partners on security, defence and the Arctic. The EU has repeatedly emphasised the strategic importance of Iceland and other Nordic states in areas ranging from maritime surveillance to critical infrastructure protection and energy security.
The postponement of the defence declaration does not break this cooperation, but it complicates EU efforts to align security and economic policies with like‑minded neighbours. It also provides a reminder that decisions taken under pressure to protect European industry can have unintended consequences for broader strategic relationships.
Across the Nordic region, the episode is being watched closely. In Norway, political parties critical of the government’s cautious response have already pointed to Iceland’s stance as proof that EEA states can push back against Brussels. Elsewhere, debates on the future of EU relations – including the possibility of closer integration or even membership for countries like Iceland – are shaped by how the Union manages conflicts with its closest partners.
For Iceland, the immediate question is how long the defence declaration will remain on hold, and whether the EU will show any openness to revisiting the design or implementation of the EU ferroalloy tariffs. In the longer term, the confrontation underscores a broader dilemma: how a small, Atlantic and Arctic country can remain deeply tied to the EU’s single market and security structures, while still having enough voice and influence when Brussels raises new economic walls.





