Politics

Iceland’s hardest EU chapters were never opened

Iceland’s EU accession talks had already advanced well before they were frozen, but the most politically sensitive chapters were still unresolved when the process stopped. That is why the current debate is not just about whether Reykjavik should reopen negotiations with Brussels, but about whether Iceland is ready to confront the parts of the EU accession process that were left untouched more than a decade ago.

Most of the missing work was in fisheries and agriculture

When Iceland paused its EU membership talks, the chapters that remained the most difficult were the ones linked to fisheries and agriculture. Those were not technical side issues but core national-interest dossiers for a country where control over fishing resources and food production has long carried political, economic and symbolic weight.

The fisheries chapter was especially sensitive because Iceland would have had to negotiate its relationship with the EU’s Common Fisheries Policy, a question with direct implications for quota management, national control over marine resources and access to Icelandic waters. The agriculture chapter was also left unopened, reflecting how hard it had been to build a clear domestic negotiating line on subsidies, market protections and the adjustment of Icelandic farming to EU rules.

Image: Martin Bertrand/Getty Images

Six chapters were still unopened when talks stopped

The broader picture was more complex than the two headline disputes. When the negotiations were frozen, six chapters had still not been opened. Besides agriculture and fisheries, the unfinished chapters also included free movement of capital and right of establishment and freedom to provide services, both of which had links to Iceland’s restrictions on foreign investment, including in the fishing sector.

Two other unopened chapters were already further prepared on the Icelandic side: food safety, veterinary and phytosanitary policy, and justice, freedom and security. In the first of these, Iceland was expected to seek transition periods and tailor-made solutions, while the justice and home affairs chapter appeared less conflictual.

Twenty-seven chapters were opened, but only eleven were closed

That said, Iceland was not starting from zero when the talks were put on hold. By the time negotiations stopped, 27 chapters had been opened and 11 had been provisionally closed, showing that large parts of the accession process had moved forward relatively quickly.

Many of the chapters that advanced fastest were in areas where Iceland was already closely aligned with EU law. This is one reason the negotiation track looked unusually advanced for a candidate country of Iceland’s size. The easier chapters were never likely to determine the political outcome on their own; the real test was always going to come when negotiations reached sectors tied to sovereignty, natural resources and domestic economic control.

Iceland already applies much of EU law through the EEA

A key reason Iceland moved quickly in many chapters is that it is already part of the European Economic Area through the EEA Agreement, alongside Norway and Liechtenstein. That means Iceland already applies a large share of EU single market legislation, including rules on goods, services, competition, consumer protection, energy, environment and parts of social policy.

In practice, this meant Iceland entered the accession process with a high level of legal alignment in many areas. That reduced the gap in numerous chapters, but not in all of them. The EEA does not fully cover politically decisive sectors such as fisheries and agriculture, which helps explain why those chapters remained the hardest and why they still matter now.

A resumed process would not simply pick up the easy parts

If Iceland votes to reopen talks, the next phase would not just be a procedural restart. It would reopen the most difficult part of the accession debate: whether Iceland can find acceptable terms on fisheries, agriculture and related market rules after years in which EU legislation has continued to evolve.

That is also why the current referendum debate matters beyond symbolism. Iceland already has deep economic integration with Europe. The unanswered question is whether that integration can be turned into full membership once the negotiations move from the relatively manageable chapters to the ones that were always politically hardest. That is the real significance of the current debate: Iceland is not revisiting the easiest parts of accession, but the chapters it never truly had to settle.

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