Kristersson at the Sweden Democrats congress marked the first time a Moderate Party leader and sitting prime minister stepped onto the Sweden Democrats’ national stage, underlining how central the nationalist party has become to Sweden’s right‑wing bloc.
On Saturday, Prime Minister Ulf Kristersson travelled from the Liberals’ convention in Karlstad to the Sweden Democrats’ landsdagar in Örebro, where around 450 party delegates were gathered ahead of the 2026 election year.
Kristersson’s first visit to the Sweden Democrats congress
At the Sweden Democrats congress in Örebro, Kristersson was greeted with a standing ovation as he entered the stage alongside Sweden Democrats leader Jimmie Åkesson. In his speech, the prime minister thanked SD for its role in supporting the government formed under the Tidö Agreement, which links the Moderates, Christian Democrats and Liberals with parliamentary backing from the Sweden Democrats.
“Step by step, we have together made the decisions necessary to change course for Sweden,” Kristersson told delegates, highlighting tougher policies on crime and migration and decisions to expand nuclear power. The message was one of continuity and shared responsibility: the prime minister presented SD not as an external supporter, but as part of a joint project to reshape Swedish politics.
Åkesson described the relationship with the Moderates as “constructive” and emphasised that the two parties form a “natural core” of any future right‑wing government. In front of party activists, he underlined a shared conservative identity that branches out towards liberal and “social patriotic” positions, signalling that SD wants to be seen as a stable governing partner rather than a protest party on the margins.
Conservative bloc unity – and liberal unease
Kristersson’s visit to the Sweden Democrats congress came just hours after he addressed the Liberals’ national meeting in Karlstad. There, Liberal delegates voted to oppose bringing SD formally into the next government after the 2026 election, even as the party remains part of the Tidö cooperation today. The decision reflects ongoing unease within the Liberals about closer institutional ties to a nationalist, right‑wing populist party.
The prime minister avoided taking sides in that internal debate, choosing instead to praise Liberal ministers for their work in government while stressing that the four Tidö parties had identified common problems and chosen to act together. His presence in both Karlstad and Örebro on the same day, however, underlined a basic political fact: if Kristersson wants a second term, he will almost certainly need Sweden Democrat mandates to secure a majority in the Riksdag.
From Örebro, Åkesson repeated his long‑standing demand for ministerial posts in a future government, making clear that SD no longer sees itself as content with external influence alone. Christian Democrat leader Ebba Busch reinforced the image of a cohesive right‑wing bloc by sending a video greeting to the SD congress, where she thanked the party for focusing on “substantive issues” and signalled her willingness to continue the cooperation.
Normalising a nationalist party in Swedish politics
Kristersson’s appearance at the Sweden Democrats’ landsdagar is another step in the gradual normalisation of SD within Sweden’s political mainstream. Founded in 1988 and often described as a nationalist and right‑wing populist party, SD long remained isolated by the so‑called cordon sanitaire that kept it out of formal cooperation with other parties. Over the past decade, that barrier has eroded, culminating in the Tidö Agreement and SD’s decisive role in sustaining the current government.
This year’s congress in Örebro also highlighted the party’s growing appeal to business and interest groups. Compared with previous landsdagar, where only a handful of companies were present, dozens of firms and organisations have booked stands at the event, including several active in the welfare sector. Their presence reflects both SD’s influence over policy and a broader shift in how corporate Sweden engages with the party.
By choosing to attend the congress in person, Kristersson signalled that he regards SD as part of Sweden’s governing family, despite ongoing criticism from opposition parties and civil society organisations. For many observers, the image of the prime minister standing shoulder to shoulder with Åkesson on the SD stage will be seen as a symbolic moment in the party’s journey from pariah to central actor in Swedish politics.
Implications for the Nordics and Europe
The scene in Örebro also resonates beyond Sweden. Across Europe, centre‑right and conservative parties have increasingly formed alliances with nationalist and radical‑right parties, from Italy and Finland to the Netherlands. Sweden, once known internationally for its social‑democratic dominance and consensus‑oriented politics, now has a government that depends on a right‑wing populist force to pass key legislation.
In the Nordic context, Kristersson’s reliance on the Sweden Democrats contrasts with the more cautious approach seen in neighbouring Denmark, where mainstream parties have largely sought to integrate stricter migration policies without formal coalition agreements with the far right. It also shapes Sweden’s stance in the European Union, where SD’s critical view of deeper integration and its focus on national control over issues such as migration and energy sit uneasily alongside the traditionally pro‑EU orientation of the Moderate Party.
As Sweden moves towards the 2026 parliamentary election, the visit to the Sweden Democrats congress underlines the stakes for the country’s political direction. If the current bloc secures another majority, SD is likely to press harder for direct participation in government and for deeper influence over Sweden’s position in EU negotiations on topics such as asylum rules, climate policy and the rule of law.
For now, Kristersson’s message in Örebro was that the joint project has “only just begun”. The question for Sweden – and for observers across the Nordics and the EU – is whether the normalisation of the Sweden Democrats will remain a pragmatic arrangement for governing, or whether it will gradually redefine the boundaries of mainstream politics in one of Europe’s historically most consensual democracies.
